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Adolf Hitler
Reich Chancellor
1889 - 1945

The avatar of fascism posed the century's greatest threat to
democracy and redefined the meaning of evil forever
By ELIE WIESEL for Time Magazine
Not
being a professional historian, I take on this essay with fear
and trembling. That's because, although defeated, although dead,
this man is frightening.
What was the secret of his power over his listeners? His
demagogic appeal to immoderation, to excess and to simplifying
hate? They spoke of his intuitive powers and his "luck" (he
escaped several attempts on his life).
Adolf Hitler or the incarnation of absolute evil; this is how
future generations will remember the all-powerful Fuehrer of the
criminal Third Reich. Compared with him, his peers Mussolini and
Franco were novices. Under his hypnotic gaze, humanity crossed a
threshold from which one could see the abyss.
At the same time that he terrorized his adversaries, he knew how
to please, impress and charm the very interlocutors from whom he
wanted support. Diplomats and journalists insist as much on his
charm as they do on his temper tantrums. The savior admired by
his own as he dragged them into his madness, the Satan and
exterminating angel feared and hated by all others, Hitler led
his people to a shameful defeat without precedent. That his
political and strategic ambitions have created a dividing line
in the history of this turbulent and tormented century is
undeniable: there is a before and an after. By the breadth of
his crimes, which have attained a quasi-ontological dimension,
he surpasses all his predecessors: as a result of Hitler, man is
defined by what makes him inhuman. With Hitler at the head of a
gigantic laboratory, life itself seems to have changed.
How did this Austrian without title or position manage to get
himself elected head of a German nation renowned for its
civilizing mission? How to explain the success of his cheap
demagogy in the heart of a people so proud of having inherited
the genius of a Wolfgang von Goethe and an Immanuel Kant?
Was there no resistance to his disastrous projects? There was.
But it was too feeble, too weak and too late to succeed. German
society had rallied behind him: the judicial, the educational,
the industrial and the economic establishments gave him their
support. Few politicians of this century have aroused, in their
lifetime, such love and so much hate; few have inspired so much
historical and psychological research after their death. Even
today, works on his enigmatic personality and his cursed career
are best sellers everywhere. Some are good, others are less
good, but all seem to respond to an authentic curiosity on the
part of a public haunted by memory and the desire to understand.
We think we know everything about the nefarious forces that
shaped his destiny: his unhappy childhood, his frustrated
adolescence; his artistic disappointments; his wound received on
the front during World War I; his taste for spectacle, his
constant disdain for social and military aristocracies; his
relationship with Eva Braun, who adored him; the cult of the
very death he feared; his lack of scruples with regard to his
former comrades of the SA, whom he had assassinated in 1934; his
endless hatred of Jews, whose survival enraged him — each and
every phase of his official and private life has found its
chroniclers, its biographers.
And yet. There are, in all these givens, elements that escape
us. How did this unstable paranoid find it within himself to
impose gigantic hope as an immutable ideal that motivated his
nation almost until the end? Would he have come to power if
Germany were not going through endless economic crises, or if
the winners in 1918 had not imposed on it conditions that
represented a national humiliation against which the German
patriotic fibre could only revolt? We would be wrong to forget:
Hitler came to power in January 1933 by the most legitimate
means. His Nationalist Socialist Party won a majority in the
parliamentary elections. The aging Field Marshal Paul von
Hindenburg had no choice but to allow him, at age 43, to form
the new government, marking the end of the Weimar Republic. And
the beginning of the Third Reich, which, according to Hitler,
would last 1,000 years.
From that moment on, events cascaded. The burning of the
Reichstag came only a little before the openings of the first
concentration camps, established for members of the opposition.
Fear descended on the country and squeezed it in a vise. Great
writers, musicians and painters went into exile to France and
the U.S. Jews with foresight emigrated toward Palestine. The air
of Hitler's Germany was becoming more and more suffocating.
Those who preferred to wait, thinking that the Nazi regime would
not last, could not last, would regret it later, when it was too
late.
The fact is that Hitler was beloved by his people — not the
military, at least not in the beginning, but by the average
Germans who pledged to him an affection, a tenderness and a
fidelity that bordered on the irrational. It was idolatry on a
national scale. One had to see the crowds who acclaimed him. And
the women who were attracted to him. And the young who in his
presence went into ecstasy. Did they not see the hateful mask
that covered his face? Did they not divine the catastrophe he
bore within himself?
Violating the Treaty of Versailles, which limited the German
army to 100,000 men, Hitler embarked on a rearmament program of
massive scale: fighter planes, tanks, submarines. His goal? It
was enough to read Mein Kampf, written in prison after the
abortive coup of 1923 in Munich, to divine its contours: to
become, once again, a global superpower, capable and desirous of
reconquering lost territory, and others as well.
And the free world let it happen.
His army entered the Rhineland in 1936. A tangible reaction from
France and Britain would have led to his fall. But since nothing
happened, Hitler played on the "cowardice" of democratic
principles. That cowardice was confirmed by the shameful Munich
Agreement, by which France and Britain betrayed their alliance
with Czechoslovakia and abandoned it like a dead weight. At
every turn, Hitler derided his generals and their lack of
audacity. In 1939 he stupefied the entire world by reaching a
nonaggression pa ct with Stalin. Though they had never met, the
two dictators appeared to get along perfectly; it was said that
a sort of empathy existed between them. Poland paid the price of
this unnatural "friendship"; cut in two, it ceased to exist as a
state.
Hitler also counted on Stalin's naivete. In a sense he was
right. According to all witnesses, Stalin had total confidence
in Hitler. To humour Hitler's extreme anti-Semitic
sensibilities, the Soviet hierarchy withdrew certain Jews, such
as Maxim Litvinov, the Soviet Foreign Minister, from the
international scene. Stalin's order to honour the commercial
agreements between the two countries was scrupulously executed,
at all levels, until the beginning of hostilities: the day of
German aggression, one still saw Soviet trains stuffed with raw
materials heading toward German factories. Was Hitler shrewder
than Stalin? Certainly he was more tenacious than his French and
British adversaries. Winston Churchill was the only man of state
who unmasked Hitler immediately and refused to let himself be
duped by Hitler's repeated promises that this time he was making
his "last territorial demand."
And yet. In his own "logic," Hitler was persuaded for a fairly
long time that the German and British people had every reason to
get along and divide up spheres of influence throughout the
world. He did not understand British obstinacy in its resistance
to his racial philosophy and to the practical ends it
engendered.
In fact, he wanted to swallow up Russia, Poland, Ukraine and the
Baltic countries to augment lebensraum: Germany's vital space.
But then why did he launch his destructive war against London?
Why did he declare war against the U.S.? Solely to please his
Japanese ally? Why did he mandate a policy of cruelty in the
Soviet territories occupied by his armies, when certain segments
of the population there were ready to greet them with flowers?
And finally, why did he invest so much energy in his hatred of
Jews? Why did the night trains that took them to their death
have priority over the military convoys that were taking badly
needed troops to the front? His dark obsession with the "Jewish
question" and its "Final Solution" will be long remembered, for
it has evocative names that paralyze men's hearts with terror:
Auschwitz, Treblinka and Belzec.
After Rommel's defeat in North Africa, after the debacle at
Stalingrad and even when the landings in Normandy were imminent,
Hitler and his entourage still had the mind to come up with the
Final Solution. In his testament, drafted in a underground
bunker just hours before his suicide in Berlin, Hitler returns
again to this hatred of the Jewish people that had never left
him. But in the same testament, he settles his score with the
German people. He wants them to be sacked, destroyed, reduced to
misery and shame for having failed him by denying him his glory.
The former corporal become commander in chief of all his armies
and convinced of his strategic and political genius was not
prepared to recognize his own responsibility for the defeat of
his Reich.
His kingdom collapsed after 12 years in a war that remains the
most atrocious, the most brutal and the deadliest in history.
But which, by the same token, allowed several large figures to
emerge. Their names have become legendary: Eisenhower, De
Gaulle, Montgomery, Zhukov, Patton...
But when later we evoke the 20th century, among the first names
that will surge to mind will be that of a fanatic with a
moustache who thought to reign by selling the soul of his people
to the thousand demons of hate and of death.
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Hitler, Chancellor Adolf (1889-1945). Although Stalin and Mao-Tse-tung
each killed more people, Hitler is in undisputed possession of
the title of the most reviled man in a 20th century with more
than its share of genocidal monsters. What heightens the
appalled fascination is that he was in essence such an
insignificant little man, driven by a need to compensate for his
inadequacies. When the Soviets finally released the results of
the autopsy performed on his half-incinerated corpse, it was
revealed that the ribald words of the march ‘Colonel Bogey’ had
been correct: he was monorchid. Additionally he had odd sexual
quirks, had Oedipal feelings for his mother, and only felt
comfortable showing love to animals and small children. His
speech and writings are full of references to hygiene and
cleansing with reference to the physical elimination (sic) of
Jews and other ‘subhumans’.
He was an outsider in every possible way. Not a German but an
Austrian, he was born in Braunau, the son of a minor customs
official with a much younger wife. A failure at school, his
artistic aspirations were punctured when he was rejected by the
Academy of Fine Arts in Vienna. There he imbibed the social
Darwinism of the likes of Houston Stuart Chamberlain and the
anti-Semitism of Karl Lürger, the dynamic mayor of the city. An
aimless and friendless young man, embittered with his lot, a
photograph exists of him amidst a joyful crowd in Munich
welcoming the outbreak of war in 1914. He immediately
volunteered, served as a battalion runner, was awarded both
classes of the Iron Cross, for bravery (which he wore on his
political uniforms throughout the rest of his life), and was
gassed in 1918.
Not only did his service at the front mark him, but it often
gave him an edge over general staff officers that he was never
shy of exploiting. Significantly, it was in a Bavarian infantry
unit of his beloved, adopted German army that he served, rather
than in the Austro-Hungarian military. Perhaps the war gave him
a sense of identity; it certainly provided him with a family and
a hierarchy, which he admired until the end. Never promoted
beyond corporal, he had no training for leadership or high
command, but nevertheless, arguably, spent the rest of his days
reliving the period of his life he found most fulfilling: making
war.
Mein Kampf (‘My Struggle’), a rambling outline of his inchoate
political views, was written in gaol after his failed coup of
1923 and makes it clear that his war was a lifelong one,
directed not just at external nations, but against the
‘doubters’ and ‘outcasts’ within Germany. The harsh terms of the
Treaty of Versailles provided a general background of
self-pitying resentment which he was able to exploit, and the
feeling that Germany must somehow regain its lost pre-eminence
was widespread. This partly accounts for his rise to power and
the tacit support the Reichswehr gave him. But he also, and this
is very hard to explain but impossible to deny, had immense
personal magnetism, which worked as effectively on individuals
as it did on the large crowds he manipulated with carefully
rehearsed gestures and choreographed responses from his
strategically placed hard-core followers.
The Reichswehr still cultivated the attitudes of the old
Prussian military, in which the importance of the oath of
loyalty cannot be underestimated. Hitler knew this and used it,
but even before he could do so, he bought the generals off with
the prospects of rearmament and a chance to reverse the outcome
of 1914-18. He also cold-bloodedly threw them the sop of the
brown-shirted paramilitary Sturmabteilung (SA) that had won the
streets from the communists and opened his way to power. In the
‘Night of the Long Knives’ (30 June 1934) he decapitated the SA
using a new corps of bodyguards organized by the even more
dysfunctional Heinrich Himmler, the black-clad SS. On 2 August,
following the death of Hindenburg, the newly renamed Wehrmacht
swore an oath of loyalty, not to the state but to Hitler
personally. Thereafter, in the perception of many including such
stars as Guderian, they were duty-bound to obey him.
The successful reoccupation of the Rhineland (1936), the
Anschluss with Austria, and the annexation of the Czech
Sudetenland (both 1938) were bluffs that could have been stopped
by a moderate show of resolve by those affected. Much has been
made of Chamberlain and Daladier selling out the Czechs at
Munich, but the Czechs bore the main responsibility themselves.
When Hitler visited the abandoned defences of the Sudetenland,
his generals were appalled at their strength and told him they
could not have taken them. ‘It's not the guns but the men behind
them’, he replied, and this was the essence of his military
leadership, very well expressed in the blitzkrieg, which
depended on sowing panic for success. It worked again against
Poland in September 1939. For the campaign resulting in the fall
of France, Hitler took a more central role, backing a daring
plan by Manstein, in preference to more orthodox general staff
proposals. The Wehrmacht's rapid and conclusive victory over the
French convinced Hitler and not a few of his generals that he
was a military genius. What he saw as the inevitable showdown
between the Slav-Communists and the Aryan-Nazis was best not
postponed. Stalin had disembowelled his officer corps and
projections for Soviet rearmament showed a rapidly narrowing
window of opportunity. He knew it to be a gamble, and it is
significant that the ‘final Solution’, the systematic
extermination of the Untermenschen (subhumans), was not
implemented until he had made this highest-of-stakes throw of
the dice. The opening weeks of BARBAROSSA, perhaps fatally
delayed by a sideshow in the Balkans, seemed to confirm the
utter correctness of his instinct over the sober counsels of
those few brave enough to urge caution upon him. Although it was
the not-so-secret conceit of the German generals after WW II
that left to their own devices they could have won the war,
there were numerous occasions when Hitler's unschooled instinct
was proved right and their less intuitive approach wrong. One
such was the winter battle outside Moscow in 1941 and Kursk,
spectacularly, another. Nor was his faith in fanaticism entirely
misplaced: the Waffen SS slowly grew to become a parallel army
and often performed better than the Wehrmacht, especially in
backs-to-the-wall situations like the second battle of Kharkov.
In the absence of a quick victory, the latent power of the
enemies he had challenged inexorably made itself felt and no
amount of motivation or tactical brilliance could overcome the
overwhelming Materialschlacht (battle of equipment) that crushed
his armies on two fronts in 1944-5. Through it all and to the
bitter end he continued to exert a strange fascination over his
generals, as he did over the whole German people. It was not all
mesmerism; his working methods were chaotic, keeping the
officers of the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (OKW) at his beck and
call at all hours, and he frequently used his mastery of detail
to make them feel uneasy about points which he had memorized but
they had not. The failed attempt on his life by disaffected army
officers on 20 July 1944 seems to have snapped whatever
remaining links he had with reality and whatever restraints he
still exercised over the sadism that drove him. Even if no other
conflict in history deserves the title, the destruction of
Hitler and his creed was surely a just war.
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The German dictator Adolf Hitler (1889-1945) led the extreme
nationalist and racist Nazi party and served as
chancellor-president of Germany from 1933 to 1945. Probably the
most effective and powerful demagogue of the 20th century, his
leadership led to the extermination of approximately 6 million
Jews.
Adolf Hitler and his National Socialist movement belong among
the many irrationally nationalistic, racist, and fundamentally
nihilist political mass movements that sprang from the ground of
political, economic, and social desperation following World War
I and the deeply upsetting economic dislocations of the interwar
period. Taking their name from the first such movement to gain
power - Mussolini's fascism in Italy (1922) - fascist-type
movements reached the peak of their popular appeal and political
power in the widespread panic and mass psychosis that spread to
all levels of the traditional industrial and semi-industrial
societies of Europe with the world depression of the 1930s.
Always deeply chauvinistic, antiliberal and antirational, and
violently anti-Semitic, these movements varied in form from the
outright atheistic and industrialist German national socialism
to the lesser-known mystical-religious and peasant-oriented
movements of eastern Europe.
Early Life
Adolf Hitler was born on April 20, 1889, in the small Austrian
town of Braunau on the Inn River along the Bavarian-German
border, son of an Austrian customs official of moderate means.
His early youth in Linz on the Danube seems to have been under
the repressive influence of an authoritarian and, after
retirement in 1895, increasingly short-tempered and domineering
father until the latter's death in 1903. After an initially fine
performance in elementary school, Adolf soon became rebellious
and began failing in the Realschule (college preparatory
school). Following transfer to another school, he finally left
formal education altogether in 1905 and, refusing to bow to the
discipline of a regular job, began his long years of dilettante,
aimless existence, reading, painting, wandering in the woods,
and dreaming of becoming a famous artist. In 1907, when his
mother died, he moved to Vienna in an attempt to enroll in the
famed Academy of Fine Arts. His failure to gain admission that
year and the next led him into a period of deep depression and
seclusion from his friends. Wandering through the streets of
Vienna, he lived on a modest orphan's pension and the money he
could earn by painting and selling picture postcards. It was
during this time of his vagabond existence among the rootless,
displaced elements of the old Hapsburg capital, that he first
became fascinated by the immense potential of mass political
manipulation. He was particularly impressed by the successes of
the anti-Semitic, nationalist Christian-Socialist party of
Vienna Mayor Karl Lueger and his efficient machine of propaganda
and mass organization. Under Lueger's influence and that of
former Catholic monk and race theorist Lanz von Liebenfels,
Hitler first developed the fanatical anti-Semitism and racial
mythology that were to remain central to his own "ideology" and
that of the Nazi party.
In May 1913, apparently in an attempt to avoid induction into
the Austrian military service after he had failed to register
for conscription, Hitler slipped across the German border to
Munich, only to be arrested and turned over to the Austrian
police. He was able to persuade the authorities not to detain
him for draft evasion and duly presented himself for the draft
physical examination, which he failed to pass. He returned to
Munich, and after the outbreak of World War I a year later, he
volunteered for action in the German army. During the war he
fought on Germany's Western front with distinction but gained no
promotion beyond the rank of corporal. Injured twice, he won
several awards for bravery, among them the highly respected Iron
Cross First Class. Although isolated in his troop, he seems to
have thoroughly enjoyed his success on the front and continued
to look back fondly upon his war experience.
Early Nazi Years
The end of the war suddenly left Hitler without a place or goal
and drove him to join the many disillusioned veterans who
continued to fight in the streets of Germany. In the spring of
1919 he found employment as a political officer in the army in
Munich with the help of an adventurer-soldier by the name of
Ernst Roehm - later head of Hitler's storm troopers (SA). In
this capacity Hitler attended a meeting of the so-called German
Workers' party, a nationalist, anti-Semitic, and socialist
group, in September 1919. He quickly distinguished himself as
this party's most popular and impressive speaker and
propagandist, helped to increase its membership dramatically to
some 6, 000 by 1921, and in April that year became Führer
(leader) of the now-renamed National Socialist German Workers'
party (NSDAP), the official name of the Nazi party.
The worsening economic conditions of the two following years,
which included a runaway inflation that wiped out the savings of
great numbers of middle-income citizens, massive unemployment,
and finally foreign occupation of the economically crucial Ruhr
Valley, contributed to the continued rapid growth of the party.
By the end of 1923 Hitler could count on a following of some 56,
000 members and many more sympathizers and regarded himself as a
significant force in Bavarian and German politics. Inspired by
Mussolini's "March on Rome, " he hoped to use the crisis
conditions accompanying the end of the Ruhr occupation in the
fall of 1923 to stage his own coup against the Berlin
government. For this purpose he staged the well-known Nazi Beer
Hall Putsch of Nov. 8/9, 1923, by which he hoped - in coalition
with right-wingers around World War I general Erich Ludendorff -
to force the conservative-nationalist Bavarian government of
Gustav von Kahr to cooperate with him in a rightist "March on
Berlin." The attempt failed, however. Hitler was tried for
treason and given the rather mild sentence of a year's
imprisonment in the old fort of Landsberg.
It was during this prison term that many of Hitler's basic ideas
of political strategy and tactics matured. Here he outlined his
major plans and beliefs in Mein Kampf, which he dictated to his
loyal confidant Rudolf Hess. He planned the reorganization of
his party, which had been outlawed and which, with the return of
prosperity, had lost much of its appeal. After his release
Hitler reconstituted the party around a group of loyal followers
who were to remain the cadre of the Nazi movement and state.
Progress was slow in the prosperous 1920s, however, and on the
eve of the Depression, the NSDAP still was able to attract only
some 2.5 percent of the electoral vote.
Rise to Power
With the outbreak of world depression, the fortunes of Hitler's
movement rose rapidly. In the elections of September 1930 the
Nazis polled almost 6.5 million votes and increased their
parliamentary representation from 12 to 107. In the presidential
elections of the spring of 1932, Hitler ran an impressive second
to the popular World War I hero Field Marshal Paul von
Hindenburg, and in July he outpolled all other parties with some
14 million votes and 230 seats in the Reichstag (parliament).
Although the party lost 2 million of its voters in another
election, in November 1932, President Hindenburg on Jan. 30,
1933, reluctantly called Hitler to the chancellorship to head a
coalition government of Nazis, conservative German nationalists,
and several prominent independents.
Consolidation of Power
The first 2 years in office were almost wholly dedicated to the
consolidation of power. With several prominent Nazis in key
positions (Hermann Göring, as minister of interior in Prussia,
and Wilhelm Frick, as minister of interior of the central
government, controlled the police forces) and his military ally
Werner von Blomberg in the Defense Ministry, he quickly gained
practical control. He persuaded the aging president and the
Reichstag to invest him with emergency powers suspending the
constitution in the so-called Enabling Act of Feb. 28, 1933.
Under this act and with the help of a mysterious fire in the
Reichstag building, he rapidly eliminated his political rivals
and brought all levels of government and major political
institutions under his control. By means of the Roehm purge of
the summer of 1934 he assured himself of the loyalty of the army
by the subordination of the Nazi storm troopers and the murder
of its chief together with the liquidation of major rivals
within the army. The death of President Hindenburg in August
1934 cleared the way for the abolition of the presidential title
by plebiscite. Hitler became officially Führer of Germany and
thereby head of state as well as commander in chief of the armed
forces. Joseph Goebbels's extensive propaganda machine and
Heinrich Himmler's police system simultaneously perfected
totalitarian control of Germany, as demonstrated most
impressively in the great Nazi mass rally of 1934 in Nuremberg,
where millions marched in unison and saluted Hitler's theatrical
appeals.
Preparation for War
Once internal control was assured, Hitler began mobilizing
Germany's resources for military conquest and racial domination
of the land masses of central and eastern Europe. He put
Germany's 6 million unemployed to work on a vast rearmament and
building program, coupled with a propaganda campaign to prepare
the nation for war. Germany's mythical enemy, world Jewry -
which was associated with all internal and external obstacles in
the way of total power - was systematically and ruthlessly
attacked in anti-Semitic mass propaganda, with economic
sanctions, and in the end by the "final solution" of physical
destruction of Jewish men, women, and children in Himmler's
concentration camps.
Foreign relations were similarly directed toward preparation for
war: the improvement of Germany's military position, the
acquisition of strong allies or the establishment of convenient
neutrals, and the division of Germany's enemies. Playing on the
weaknesses of the Versailles Peace Treaty and the general fear
of war, this policy was initially most successful in the face of
appeasement-minded governments in England and France. After an
unsuccessful coup attempt in Austria in 1934, Hitler gained
Mussolini's alliance and dependence as a result of Italy's
Ethiopian war in 1935, illegally marched into the Rhineland in
1936 (demilitarized at Versailles), and successfully intervened
- in cooperation with Mussolini - in the Spanish Civil War.
Under the popular banner of national self-determination, he
annexed Austria and the German-speaking Sudetenland of
Czechoslovakia with the concurrence of the West in 1938 (Munich
Agreement), only to occupy all of Czechoslovakia early in 1939.
Finally, through threats and promises of territory, he was able
to gain the benevolent neutrality of the Soviet Union for the
coming war (Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, August 1939). Alliances
with Italy (Pact of Steel) and Japan followed.
The War
On Sept. 1, 1939, Hitler began World War II - which he hoped
would lead to his control of most of the Eurasian heartland -
with the lightning invasion of Poland, which he immediately
followed with the liquidation of Jews and the Polish
intelligentsia, the enslavement of the local "subhuman"
population, and the beginnings of a German colonization.
Following the declaration of war by France and England, he
temporarily turned his military machine west, where the
lightning, mobile attacks of the German forces quickly
triumphed. In April 1940 Denmark surrendered, and Norway was
taken by an amphibious operation. In May-June the rapidly
advancing tank forces defeated France and the Low Countries.
The major goal of Hitler's conquest lay in the East, however,
and already in the middle of 1940 German war production was
preparing for an eastern campaign. The Air Battle of Britain,
which Hitler had hoped would permit either German invasion or
(this continued to be his dream) an alliance with "Germanic"
England, was broken off, and Germany's naval operations
collapsed for lack of reinforcements and matériel.
On June 22, 1941, the German army advanced on Russia in the
so-called Operation Barbarossa, which Hitler regarded as
Germany's final struggle for existence and "living space"
(Lebensraum) and for the creation of the "new order" of German
racial domination. After initial rapid advances, the German
troops were stopped by the severe Russian winter, however, and
failed to reach any of their three major goals: Leningrad,
Moscow, and Stalingrad. The following year's advances were again
slower than expected, and with the first major setback at
Stalingrad (1943) the long retreat from Russia began. A year
later, the Western Allies, too, started advancing on Germany.
German Defeat
With the waning fortunes of the German war effort, Hitler
withdrew almost entirely from the public; his orders became
increasingly erratic and pedantic; and recalling his earlier
triumphs over the generals, he refused to listen to advice from
his military counselors. He dreamed of miracle bombs and
suspected treason everywhere. Under the slogan of "total victory
or total ruin, " the entire German nation from young boys to old
men, often barely equipped or trained, was mobilized and sent to
the front. After an unsuccessful assassination attempt by a
group of former leading politicians and military men on July 20,
1944, the regime of terror further tightened.
In the last days of the Third Reich, with the Russian troops in
the suburbs of Berlin, Hitler entered into a last stage of
desperation in his underground bunker in Berlin. He ordered
Germany destroyed since it was not worthy of him; he expelled
his trusted lieutenants Himmler and Göring from the party; and
made a last, theatrical appeal to the German nation. Adolf
Hitler committed suicide on April 30, 1945, leaving the last
bits of unconquered German territory to the administration of
non-Nazi Adm. Karl Doenitz.
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